Thursday, January 5, 2012

Queen Tiy and the Harem Plot

Harem life was comfortable but dull. There was only one escape route for an ambitious woman: she had to become the next King's Mother. Her son had to become king of Egypt before one of his half-brothers succeeded to the throne and he became displaced from the succession. Usually the throne passed to the son of the consort, but this was not invariably the case; not all consorts produced sons, and there was always a chance that a favourite son born to a more junior wife might succeed his father. We have no contemporary account of harem life, and can only guess at the amount of scheming and manipulation designed to bring a lesser son to his father's notice.

We do know, however, that at least one of Ramesses' secondary queens was not prepared to leave things to chance. A collection of con­temporary court papers preserves the details of a plot masterminded from the 'harem of the accompanying' by the secondary queen Tiy, and sup­ported by a number of courtiers close to the king. Ramesses was to be killed, the people were to rebel, and the throne was to pass to Tiy's other­wise insignificant son, a youth named as Pentaweret. The name Pentaweret translates as 'The [male] One of the [female] Great One', the female Great One presumably being his mother, Tiy. This was almost certainly not the prince's real name. Records of criminal trials tended to replace 'good' Egyptian names - names incorporating the name of a god, for example - with more appropriate descriptive 'bad' names, and this is likely to be the New Kingdom equivalent of the Old Kingdom Queen 'Great of Sceptre' whom we met in the Pepi I harem case.
The unthinkable crime


The
hieroglyphic
determinative for
putting to the
wood'. Death by
impaling meant a
painful and
sometimes
lingering death.

Regicide should, of course, have been the unthinkable crime. Ramesses III was untouchable, a semi-divine being, the only mortal capable of maintaining the maat that was so crucial for Egypt's survival. The assassination of such an important individual was not only an act of treason, but also a dangerous act of heresy that threatened the whole world. His wife, however, did not see things that way. 

The first assassination attempt relied on magic alone, an entirely logical approach for a people who believed in the supernatural. Remote killing was an accepted part of ancient Egyptian ritual, and everyone knew that the king's symbolic smiting of a token foe on a Theban temple wall would cause vast numbers of the enemy to weaken, if not actually drop down dead, many miles away. And so a group of conspirators decided to use a combination of wax figurines and potent spells to murder their king. Fortunately for Ramesses, they were caught before any damage could be inflicted. Two contemporary and near-identical documents - Papyrus Rollin and Papyrus Lee - are, like so many ancient Egyptian texts, infuriatingly vague, but they do give us a good idea of the sequence of events.
Here Papyrus Rollin takes up the tale: 
It happened because writings were made for enchanting, for banishing and confusing. Because some Egyptian gods and some men were made of wax... He was examined and substance was found to every allegation and every crime... These were offences that merited death... And when he understood that the offences that he had committed were worthy of death, he brought death upon himself.
Naturally, such a heinous crime deserved the ultimate sentence. In ancient Egypt this meant a painful death either by impaling on a sharp wooden stake pushed through the torso, or by burning. It is not surprising that the offender chose instead to commit suicide, and equally unsurpris­ing that the palace officials, wary of a harem scandal, allowed it.

The next plan was, to modern eyes at least, far more practical. The king was to be killed as he celebrated a religious festival at his Medinet Habu mortuary temple at Thebes. It is tempting to assume that the king was to be killed in the most intimate and unguarded environs of the Medinet Habu harem palace. We know that the plot went ahead, and we know that it ultimately failed, as the conspirators were arrested and Ramesses III was succeeded by his intended heir Ramesses IV. What we don't know, most crucially, is whether Ramesses survived the assassination attempt. His mummy, recovered from the Deir el-Bahari cache, remains partially wrapped and therefore unautopsied. It shows no immediately obvious wounds, but as we do not know what weapons were used, we do not know what sort of injuries we should be looking for. Poison or smothering, of course, would leave no obvious mark. Contemporary accounts of the trial of the conspirators are less helpful than we might have hoped. The Turin Judicial Papyrus implies that Ramesses himself presided over the court, but this may be a literary conceit similar to that which saw the definitely dead 12th Dynasty king Amenemhat I writing to tell his son about his own death. 
The Trial
Initially the legal proceedings went much as expected. Three separate trials saw 38 people condemned to death, either by their own hands or by execution:

The great enemy Pabakkamun ('The Blind Servant'; presumably a dis­tortion of Pabekenamun, 'The Servant of Amun'), sometime Chief of the Chamber. He was brought in because he had been plotting with Tiyand the women of the harem. He had made common cause with them. He had carried their words outside to their mothers and their brothers who were there, saying, 'Arouse the people and incite hostility so as to make rebellion against their lord.' And they set him in the presence of the great officials of the Court of Examination. They examined his crime and found him guilty. And his crimes took hold of him, and the officials who examined him caused his punishment to befall him...
Wives of the men of the harem gateway, who had colluded with the men who plotted these matters, were placed before the officials of the Court of Examination. They found them guilty, and caused their punish­ment to befall them. They were six women...
Pentaweret was found guilty of plotting with his mother, and was allowed to kill himself. Tiy presumably suffered the same fate, although we have no record of her trial and sentence. Then things took a most-unexpected turn, as some of the trial judges and court officials were themselves arrested and charged with gross misconduct with the ladies of the harem. This, again, was a highly serious offence. Only one judge was found not guilty. The rest received suitably severe punishments that would allow them to survive as a dire warning to others:

Persons who were punished by the amputating of their noses and ears because they had ignored the good instructions given to them. The women had gone. They had followed them to the palace where they were and revelled with them... Their crime caught up with them..
Visit Habu Temple

Life in ancient Egypt The Village and The settlement of Deir el-Medina

WWW.EGYPTRAVELUX.COM
The village was inhabited by the community of workmen involved in the construction and
decoration of the royal tombs in both the Valley of the Kings and the Valley of the Queens.
Together with their wives and families the workmen occupied the neatly constructed houses
of mud brick and stone for some 450 years during Egypt's New Kingdom.

 The settlement was founded sometime early in the 18th dynasty, although by which king
remains uncertain. Many bricks in the settlement's enclosure wall were stamped with the
name of Thutmosis I (around 1524-1518 BC), who was the 1st pharaoh to be buried in the
Valley of the Kings. However the reverence given to the previous king, Amenhotep I
(1551-1524 BC) and his mother, Ahmose-Nefertari, indicates that they might have been
instrumental in setting up the royal workforce at Deir el-Medina.

 We have little information on the earliest years of the community. Most of our knowledge about the
settlement is drawn from the extensive evidence dating to the 19th and 20th dynasties, when the village
almost doubled in size.
The first workforce was probably drawn from a number of places, possibly from other crews in the Theban
area employed on temple building projects

 The original town was enclosed within a thick mud-brick wall. As the first phase of the settlement's
buildings from the beginning of the 18th dynasty was destroyed by fire, little is known about the layout
of it. After the Amarna period, under the restoration of the king Horemheb (about 1321-1293 BC), the
village expanded. The damaged houses were restored and new ones were built.

 Although the village was occupied for over four centuries, the evidence from excavations shows that the
general plan of
individual houses mostly follows the pattern established in the first phase of the
construction of the settlement during the 18th dynasty. Also the ground level remained unchanged, which
differs from other settlements, where successive generations built upon the remains of previous
occupations.

 The village itself consisted of about 70
houses. They were divided by a main
street. It ran from north to south with
narrow houses on both sides of it.
Archaeological excavation suggested that
this street was covered over, making the
village one solid roofed community. Both
the floors of the houses and the central
street were found to be covered with
layers of accumulated and well-trodden
animal droppings of goats, sheep and pigs
(Hobson, 1997, p. 117).

 The community reached the highest numbers and greatest prosperity towards the end of the reign of
Ramesses II (1279-1212 BC). From the end of the reign of Ramesses XI (1098-1070 BC), the Theban
area was in turmoil and the tombs in the Valley of the Kings began to be plundered. Both the
archaeological and textual evidence suggest that not later than by the early 21st dynasty, around the
years 17-18 of Ramesses XI, the community of workmen had left Deir el-Medina and moved inside the
walls of the nearby temple at Medinet Habu.

Dhutmose, scribe of the tomb, wrote to Hor, the deputy of the estate of Amun-Ra, on his visit to
Thebes: "We heard that you have arrived and reached the town of Ne; may Amun give you a good
reception, may he do you all good things. We are dwelling here in the Mansion and you know thoroughly
our way of dwelling. But the boys of the Tomb have gone. They dwell in Ne, while I am dwelling here
alone with the scribe of the army Penthonakhte."

The mortuary temple of Ramesses III (1182-1151 BC) at Medinet Habu as seen from the western
slopes of Theban hills above Deir el-Medina.

 Although the former inhabitants no longer lived in the village, they used to return to visit the family
tombs and to worship at their temple of Amenhotep I. The abandoned houses were used for storage until
they decayed beyond their usefulness. It is not clear what happened to the villagers after this period,
but the site of Deir el-Medina continued to be used extensively for both religious and mortuary purposes
until as late as the 8th century AD.

 The settlement's ancient name, "St-maat-hr-imenty-Wast", means "The Place of Truth, to the West of
Thebes". The ancient villagers used to refer to their settlement as "pa-demi", "the town". The modern
Arabic name Deir el-Medina, means "The Convent of the Town", is reflecting the fact, that during the
Muslim conquest of Egypt, the village's Ptolemaic temple had been converted into a Christian church.





 The earliest example of the expression "st-maat" is in chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, which
originated during the dynasties 13-17 (2nd Intermediate Period, about 1782-1633 BC). It reads
"I have not committed sins in the Place of Truth". The term can generally be applied to any place or
locality, which is sacred or holy ground. It was not only used within the locality of Thebes. There are
examples of the term being used at Memphis, Amarna or Abydos. The term cannot be translated with a
single expression as it has not got a single meaning. Depending on the context, the meaning of "st-maat"
covers the beyond, the cemetery, a tomb, the king's tomb or even a workshop (in Western Thebes). In
Theban documents, "st-maat" was used with the addition of "hr-imnty-Wast", meaning "to the West of
Weset" (Weset being the ancient Egyptian name for Thebes, modern Luxor). Inscriptions can be found in
both hieroglyphic and hieratic writings.

The term "st-maat", usually translated as "the Place of Truth",
repeatedly appears in tomb inscriptions and on funerary objects like
stelae, coffins, shabtis, statues, pyramidions, on door-lintels and
door jambs and also on wide variety of small objects, originating
from the Theban necropolis, and in particular the region of Deir
el-Medina. The lesser number of objects came from other Theban
locations, the Valley of the Kings, the Valley of the Queens,
Ramesseum, Medinet Habu, Qurna and Dra abu al-Naga. A vast
group of titles, demoting employees "in the Place of Truth" has
been identified in the documents of the 19th and 20th dynasties.





 The earliest example of the expression "st-maat" is in chapter 125 of the Book of the Dead, which
originated during the dynasties 13-17 (2nd Intermediate Period, about 1782-1633 BC). It reads
"I have not committed sins in the Place of Truth". The term can generally be applied to any place or
locality, which is sacred or holy ground. It was not only used within the locality of Thebes. There are
examples of the term being used at Memphis, Amarna or Abydos. The term cannot be translated with a
single expression as it has not got a single meaning. Depending on the context, the meaning of "st-maat"
covers the beyond, the cemetery, a tomb, the king's tomb or even a workshop (in Western Thebes). In
Theban documents, "st-maat" was used with the addition of "hr-imnty-Wast", meaning "to the West of
Weset" (Weset being the ancient Egyptian name for Thebes, modern Luxor). Inscriptions can be found in
both hieroglyphic and hieratic writings.

If you are interested to visit This spectacle historical site ,pick up this tour and explore the workers village with an expert egyptologist tour guide. Tour to the workers tombs 

Wednesday, January 4, 2012

Learn about Ancient Egypt Food and drink from tombs at Deir el-Medina

Food was received by the villagers in Deir el-Medina in a form of regular rations as a salary (mainly grain, with water and firewood, also beer, oils, ointments and garments). Food was also paid as a transferable pension - “old workmen” and their widows also receive sacks of grain.
Workers also received irregular extras from the temples (part of the unused offerings after the Gods ‘fed themselves on the essence’ – mainly bread and cakes) or rewards from the Pharaoh (on the occasion of his wedding, birthday or religious festivals) – these would consist of some more luxurious items such as vegetables, fruit, beans, meat, oils…)
Sources for our knowledge:

• Core texts. Mainly delivery notes and receipts on ostraca and papyri.

Artefacts found in the archaeological excavations. This includes real foodstuffs or herbs as well as their representations on offering tables. Mainly from the tombs like that of Kha or Tutankhamun, but also from the village site and the dump – this is where archaeobotany and zooarchaeology come to play.
Tomb paintings and decorations, which show resources available to the Ancient Egyptians

Daily Food: Seven Key Texts

1. Ostracon Berlin 11238
The Mayor of West Thebes Ramose informs the two chief workmen and their crews that he has received a message from the Vizier Paser, saying:
Please let the wages be delivered to the crew
of the necropolis, consisting of:
vegetables, fish, firewood, beer in small vessels,
small cattle and milk.
Let nothing of it be postponed, so that I would
be in arrears with their wages.
Be at it and pay heed!




2. Ostracon Gardiner 59 (in Oxford)
Written from the workmen to a Vizier:
To let our Lord
(the Vizier) know:
As regards the vegetables, oil, fish, our garments,
our ointment and our grain rations,
our Lord himself
(Pharaoh) has provided
us with these means of subsistence.

3. Ostracon DeM 60 (in the French Institute in Cairo)
What Neferhotep said, in the 3rd  winter month, day 22
(Note: this is the 19th Dynasty):
Water deficit for the Left side:
Prehotep
1 ½ sack
Nebamente
1 ½ sack
Khabekhent
1 sack
The watchman
¼ sack
The servant woman Saroy
½ sack


Total of the Left side
4 ¾ sack

4. Ostracon Stockholm MM 14126
(water delivery, probably for one day)
[House of] Nebamente
¼ sack
House of Amenakhte, son of Dgdy
½ sack
House of Mose
½ sack
House of Pashedu, son of Harmose
½ sack
House of Karo
½ sack
[House of Pashedu], son of Hehnakht
¼ sack
[House of] …
¼ sack
[House of] … son of Sibe
½ sack
                                       etc.


5. Ostracon Cairo 25608
Giving rations for the second month of summer /1:
The chief workman
2 sacks (barley)
5 ½ sacks (emmer)

The scribe
2
5 ½

17 men, each
1 ½
4
that is 25 ½ + 68
2 young men, each
½
1 ½
that is 1 + 3
The guardian
1 ½
3 ¼

The slave women /2
1 ½
1 ¼

The doorkeeper
½
1

The doctor /3
¼
1





Total /4
32 ½
84 ¾

Notes:
1/ Deliveries for the Left side only
2/ This is the total for all slave women
3/ The doctor was also a regular member of the crew, so this is likely an extra pay he received for healing
4/ In reality, the total is: 34 ¼ and 88 ½ . To be considered: Was this scribe bad at maths? Or did he cheat on purpose and keep the rest of the grain for himself? (There are other instances where the total written is lower than the real sum.)
6. Ostracon Cairo 25504
Year 8 of Merenptah. On day 20 of the second month of the inundation season someone came to the workmen to reward the crew.
He gave them as reward:
9000 loaves of bread
20 vessels of oil
9000 fish
20 sacks of salt and 400 blocks of it
Also beer and beans (3 sacks) and more that is lost.
Finally, they received 10 pieces of cattle, which were slaughtered.
7. Ostracon DeM 46
Mentions the delivery of the following articles on a particular day:
11 oxen
9 more received a few days later, which are said to be shared out
The next month there came:
5 head of cattle: 4 for the crew and 1 for the three leaders, the chief workmen and the scribe
That day also:
280 fish received.

What food?

Grain

Ordinary workmen were pain their monthly wages in grain: usually 1 ½ sack of barley and 4 sacks of emmer (Egyptian sort of wheat)
Grain was used for making beer and baking bread or cakes, and was ground mostly by the slave women with a grinding stone (bits of the stone frequently mixed with the flour, which is one of the reasons for bad teeth).
If you want to see more examples of the grain found in Egypt, just type barley or emmer in the “Search the descriptions“ field in the Petrie’s Online Catalogue.

Bread

Baked from emmer and barley, with various ingredients (dates and honey for sweet cake-like bread, or herbs and garlic for savoury).
There are many different ancient Egyptian names for bread and many depictions of bread loafs of different shapes (round, oblong, triangular, with one or two holes…)
 BM 40942 from Compass






Bread and cakes were often delivered as a reward for the villagers from the Temples.

Vegetables

Garlic: We saw an extract from the documentary film “The Gift of the Gods -- The Vital History and Multiple Uses of Garlic” (70 minutes, David Douglas Productions, Cremorne, NSW, Australia, 1991) where Jack Janssen was talking about the use of garlic in Ancient Egypt and certain artefacts from the Petrie museum like the garlic models.
UC 6054
Garlic models Jack talked about
 
Onion (often consumed with bread and fish), lettuce (juice ‘aphrodisiac’) leek, beans & lentils, cucumbers, celeriac (top herb for flavouring)

Fruit

The Egyptians ate and still eat mainly dates and figs, which are an excellent source of energy and are used in many desserts. Apart from regular date palm, they consumed also a fruit from Sycamore trees, which gave smaller and yellower dates.
BM 5396 from Compass
Basket with figs and dates
The best example I found is this basket with dates and figs from the British Museum, but there is also a nice pottery dish with dates, from West Bank Thebes, possibly New Kingdom, now in the Liverpool Museum (M11908-909).
The Ancient Egyptians also used fruit from another palm tree - it was a dôm-palm (Arabic name for Hyphaene thebaica), which gives fruit a bit like small pomegranates with a small nut inside, which contains a sweet oil (for more see Maniche Herbal pp.114-115)
Dôm-palm can be seen on a wall painting from Irinufer’s Tomb TT 290 (Ramesside Deir el-Medina) – for the picture and more details about the tomb, see Waseda Theban Database.
BM 5395 from Compass
Basket with dôm-palm fruit
Dom palm fruit example shown here is from the BM collection. There are also some dôm-palm nuts in the Liverpool Museum (M11123).
Other fruit known by the Ancient Egyptians and perhaps eaten by the villagers in Deir el-Medina, at least on some special occasions: pomegranates (frequent on the tomb walls, but probably a luxury), grapes, rare apples and olives (Akhenaten’s olive branch)

Meat

Ordinary villagers had meat rarely, as a treat, not daily, unlike the courtiers and nobles (check British Museum Compass for Box of food of Henutmehyt EA 51812). Meat figures frequently on the tomb walls, however this is usually a depiction of an ideal life in the Other world.
They probably ate mostly fish – abundant from the river – and wild fowl (not chicken though, which was introduced much later, in Roman times).
Most common fish: mullet and bulti fish. Each side getting about 250 kg of fish every month. Fish were salted to preserve them, then baked or roasted.
from Compass
Garden pool from Nebamun's collection with various kind of fish
 
Depictions of fish on the walls of temples or tombs are frequent, like in Nebamun's collection (for more see British Museum Compass) or at Deir el-Bahri.  

Other kinds of meat consumed: geese and ducks (plucked, cut, flattened and roasted), pigeons, quail…); cattle (small - sheep, goats; large - cows, oxen) and pigs (many pig bones found in excavation sites). They consumed also eggs and diary (milk, clear butter and some cheese).
Seasonings
Salt, juniper berries, cumin, cinnamon, celeriac herb
For sweetening – mostly honey, date and fig pulp or syrups

Beverages

For various drinks check out this Internet source (with care, as always).

Water

Water for the villagers in Deir el-Medina was (supposed to be) delivered daily by the water carriers (see above, texts 3 and 4). It was measured in sacks – Khar - like grain, and used for drinking, cooking and personal hygiene (not for laundry, which was washed by the ‘laundry men’ in the river).
Consumption: 1 ¼ to 1 ½ sacks a day per household (approximately 6 people), that would be 16-19 litres a day per person.
Water for drinking most likely from the river (mummies contain parasites known from the contaminated Nile water). There were several attempts to dig a well in Deir el-Medina, all unsuccessful and abandoned.

Beer

Thick soup-like consistency, very nutritious. Made from sour-bread partly baked, crushed and mixed with water, after the fermentation sieved.
Scottish and Newcastle Brewing Group (Newcastle Brown Ale) did an experiment in 1996, which produced an Ancient Egyptian beer later sold in Harrods – some say it was undrinkable.
The Newcastle experiment was supposed to be on this page but it is not accessible anymore - they might have removed it, since the resulting beer’s sale wasn’t that successfulWink
Other information about this project on the web is very scarce; everybody links to the non-existing article. But there is another article, which mentions the 1996 project - here.
Delwen Samuel, from the University of Cambridge, who participated in the Scottish & Newcastle research, has also published on ancient Egyptian baking and brewing (not my sources, off the web, please check).
„Investigation of ancient Egyptian baking and brewing methods by correlative microscopy" In: Science issue 273 (1996), pp. 488-490
"A new look at bread and beer" In: Egyptian Archaeology issue 3/1994, pp. 9-12.
"Ancient Egyptian cereal processing: beyond the artistic record. In: Cambridge Archaeological Journal issue 3/1993, pp. 271-283.
But - there is also a Japanese brewery Kirin, which tried to reconstitute Ancient Egyptian Beer and you can read more about this fascinating project on this page and also check out the recipe they are using.
Another interesting extract is from the article on Ancient Brewing (on the Ancient History website)
„In Ancient Egypt, the staples were bread, onion or other vegetables, and beer. There is some controversy over the ingredients of Egyptian beer; whether it used emmer wheat or barley, whether loaves of bread were prepared for beer making (and then soaked and fermented), and whether dates were the principle flavouring agent in lieu of medieval gruit herbs or modern hops. The Newcastle Brown Ale company, after running experiments, concluded that what is translated as "date" is really a word for any sweet and that there was no residue of what we call date in their samples. They also concluded there was no need to prepare bread before brewing because sprouted barley or wheat grains work just as well.“
Check out some supposedly Ancient Egyptian Beer quotes on this page (authenticity and the source need to be investigated)
„Do not cease to drink beer, to eat, to intoxicate thyself, to make love, and celebrate the good days.” — Ancient Egyptian saying
„The mouth of perfectly happy man is filled with beer.” — (possibly more modern) Egyptian proverb, although Muslims are not supposed to imbibe.

Wine

The most common jars for beer and wine had a sharpened bottom so that the jar could be stuck in the sand without a stand and the contents kept cool.
Image
Beer and wine jar like these have been used for centuries
 
We know of grape and date wine.
In the tomb of Kha jars were found sealed and complete with basketry stoppers, signed with “neferw” (good, beautiful thing) = probably wine.

Food as seen in the Tombs

Wall depictions

Frequent scenes on the tomb walls like plucking the geese, bringing the meat and fish.
Check British Museum Compass for Nebamun: great scenes depicting the offering table or counting the fowl and cattle, various fish in the pool and more.
There is also a nice limestone stela from the tomb of Kheti (Middle Kingdom, unknown site) in the KUNSTHISTORISCHES MUSEUM in Vienna, no. ÄOS 202. The description reads:

„A depiction of the funerary offering. The standing couple receiving an ox leg from the man standing opposite. Offering table laden with the following items: a wild goose, a closed ceramic jug, a bunch of grapes, a calf's head, an unidentified white object with white stripes, a round cake, a bunch of spring onions, a flat dish with figs, and a gherkin (cucumber) covered by a palm leaf. Beneath the table a closed jar and a plate on a stand are shown.“

Offering tables and tomb models

Offering tables show mainly breads, vegetables and fruit. Tomb models show the butchers, granary, grinding of the grain (beware of some models, which are assembled incorrectly in the museums).
A fine example in the Petrie Museum is an offering table or ‘soul house’ (pre Deir el-Medina, cca 11th Dynasty) with “… water stand with four joins at back wall; ox-head to right of this; lying on tray: haunch; ribs; 4 circular cakes; a cucumber...“
UC 38774

Sunday, January 1, 2012

The monochrome tombs of Deir el-Medineh




The monochrome tombs of Deir el-Medineh

The idea that the yellow-ochre backgrounds, in the Theban paintings, characterise the Ramesside period, must be abandoned. They developed with it, but are far from being related to all the tombs of the nobles, which mostly have a white background and sometimes blue. On the other hand, on the site of Deir el-Medineh, all tombs - apart from those with monochrome decoration - have a yellow-ochre base, including the eight tombs decorated during the XVIIIth Dynasty which have survived, for example: tomb TT340 of Amenemhat (Cherpion).

Throughout the whole Theban necropolis, the themes of the daily life in fashion in the tombs of the XVIIIth Dynasty, gave way, from the reign of Amenophis III, to religious and funeral scenes: funeral processions, opening of the mouth in front of the chapel, funerary banquets, offerings to the deceased or to divinities, formulae from the Book of the Dead, etc. At the time of Ramesses II, this process finished. The reasons which underlie it remain unclear, but there is every reason to see there, more than just an effect of fashion, a change in mentality and another perception of the divine, in a context of new solar religion which imposes itself after the Amarnian period.
At Deir el-Medineh, maybe because of the influence exercised on the workers by the royal tomb decoration, all tombs have this type of purely religious and funeral style, even those of the XVIIIth Dynasty. Only one exception is known: the tomb of Ipuy, TT217, which shows the inhabitants of the village in some of their occupations.

The majority of the funerary chambers of Deir el-Medineh were achieved with a very reduced number of colours and they belong to a group called "monochrome". It is therefore on these that the attention of the following is focused: this will examine their common characteristics and in which way they differ from the rarer "polychrome" (multicoloured) chambers. For a comparison, of two almost identical scenes, but in the two different colour styles, see this comparative image.

There is no better introduction to define the monochrome style than the one of the great Bernard Bruyère (originally in French):
Called "monochrome decorated tombs", the twenty-two funerary monuments which cannot be found anywhere else other than Deir el-Medineh, in which the silhouettes which decorate the walls are achieved in yellow-ochre on a white background, whilst the use of black and red identifies restricted representations, internal details of figures and objects and the delimitation of hieroglyphic inscriptions [...] These 22 tombs form a sufficiently homogeneous group in time, space, style and themes to justify their grouping..
It may be added that this style is only found in the chambers, with one exception, the surface chapel of TT250.






Tomb of Nefertari




It is worth mentioning the debatable role played by the tomb of queen Nefertari, one of the Great Royal Wives of Ramesses II, in the success of the monochrome style by the craftsmen. In the sarcophagus chamber, the "room of gold", in a small lateral niche destined to shelter the canopic jars, is represented, in monochrome on a white background, the figure of the winged goddess Nut, with a human body and golden wings, as are the hieroglyphics of the small accompanying text (see unidia-bs). On the side walls of this niche, can be seen the Four Children of Horus who have been produced in the same way. This type of representation is a reminder of the monochrome vignettes found in the papyri of the Book of the Dead. It possible that the workers tried to replace the fragile support of the real payrus form by a more reliable one, the actual wall surface of the tomb. Two examples, dating from the XVIIIth Dynasty, attest to the ancient idea of adapting the papyrus to the rock surface in the tombs: for example in those of Tuthmosis III and his son Amenhotep II, in which there are of true papyrus images unfolded on the walls.
The role of the tomb of Nefertari, mentioned by Bruyère, is not formally established: on one hand, the first monochrome tombs of the site date back to the reign of Sethy I, on the other hand, it is thought that it is rather the queen's tomb which presents the signs indicating the influence of the chambers of craftsmen, not the reverse.

 Possible reasons for the emergence of the monochrome style  (according to Bernard Bruyère)

The monochrome work, even though it may have been faster, is not a reduction in quality. There was no specialisation amongst the designers and painters, nor the chamber or chapel, or for monochrome or polychrome. The same painter exercised his talent in any part of the tomb, and by any process.
However, the monochrome decoration was born in a particular place, in the middle of a small group of people, for a relatively short period of time, confined to the XIXth Dynasty, and especially the reign of Ramesses II. It therefore possible to think of a genuine school, to which belonged a certain number of painters, all more or less united by kinship relationship (widely speaking) in this microcosm which was the village, where professional heredity ruled.
Gradually this style disappeared during the XXth Dynasty, a period which, it is said, saw much more re-use than new constructions. No trace is found after the reign of Ramesses IV.
Note should be made that the monochrome decoration was not confined to the tombs, because traces can be found in the houses of the workers, notably in the first room.

 1) - The religious motif 

It was the symbolism of gold which was sought after, but why this interest for the yellow metal?
Gold, the unchanging metal, is the material of the flesh of the gods, supposed to magically protect against corruption (and in particular against putrefaction) everything which is in its radiance. Used initially in the temples (it was in the "chamber of gold" that the divine statue rests in the depths of the temple), it then passed to a royal use, first by the individualisation in the tomb of a "room of gold", then by the use of metal on the mummy itself (sometimes in an excessive way, as with Tutankhamun).
Private individuals had access to gold, but could not buy any for themselves. In the best cases they could possibly obtain some in the form of jewelry, or a small veneer. So they found, as a substitute, the yellow-ochre paint. This could be used extensively on the sarcophagus (including the ones of dignitaries, who were able to plate them with gold) and some who had the idea to use the supposed radiance of the colour to protect all the decoration (and the content) of the funerary chamber.

 2) - The economic motifs 

It was rare for a craftsman of Deir el-Medineh, if his tomb possessed a chamber and a chapel, that he could decorate both. Often, he had to choose which, and in this case the archaeological survey shows that more emphasis was paid to the burial chamber. This is how Sennedjem, has the famous polychrome chamber in his tomb, TT1, whereas his surface chapel is not decorated. Nakhtamon was the same, but he chose monochrome decoration for his tomb chamber, TT335. On the contrary, architect Kha has a decorated chapel (TT8), but his tomb chamber is uninscribed.
With the sole exception of the chapel TT250, the monochrome decoration is reserved to the burial chamber and the polychrome to the chapel; so there are only 8 polychrome chambers, whereas there are 26 chapels

a) - The cost and availability of the pigments (Lucas, Lee & Quirke)
The yellow-ochre was easy to obtain, it was found in abundance around Deir el-Bahari. This is goethite, an oxide ore composed of quartz grains surrounded by a thin coat rich in iron, with inclusions of iron and titanium. The small ochre grains of this were reminiscent of gold dust, it was possible that the Egyptians saw in it one of the stages (prior to or otherwise final) with the "life" of the metal itself. It is known that they had established the relationship between the mineral universe and the world of the gods (Aufrère).
The white comes from crushing the local limestone (calcium carbonate) or gypsum (calcium sulphate).
The black essentially comes from soot, more rarely from charcoal.
The red, which served primarily to draw the contours, was provided by hematites, the natural oxides of iron, or by red-ochre (abundant in the country) which is the anhydrate of yellow-ochre, which turns red when heated because heat drives off the water ligands.

In contrast, other pigments come from far away or require a special preparation. Blue can be manufactured from azurite, coming from the mines of Sinai, but more often it was obtained from finely ground frit. This is a ceramic made of a mixture of silica, malachite (copper oxide, also from the Sinai) and heated calcium. According to the proportions and the temperature, a pigment is produced, whose hue varies from blue to green (which is also the main source of the green pigment).
It was not only the cost which made these pigments difficult to obtain, but probably their rarity at a time when the decoration of many royal and princely tombs used much of the production. In addition, as known from John Romer, the activity in the necropolis of the nobles followed the same pattern as that of the royal tombs. This very interesting survey shows that a single authority oversaw the whole, and that in some periods the demands on materials had to be very great; this not only included the pigments, but also the tools, oil for the lighting, etc.

The difficulties in obtaining some pigments doesn't explain everything however. For example, contrary to tradition, the men's skin is painted yellow-ochre, whereas traditionally this would be red-brown. However, the red-ochre is no more difficult to obtain than the yellow-ochre: it is therefore more about a deliberate choice, in the setting of a style. Similarly, the pink, although a simple mixture of red-ochre and gypsum, is not used.

b) - The lack of time








During the great period of prosperity of the reign of Ramesses II, the royal site had to run at full capacity, monopolising the manpower and expertise. This period also corresponds to the one during which the workers themselves, although prosperous, were the more demanding. From where a shortage of manpower and the interest in using the monochrome technique: it saved considerable time, for example, by avoiding painting the background of the walls in yellow before completing the decoration. On the other hand, Bruyère adds: "it permitted the use of a young apprentice to fill the shapes which the draftsman had previously drawn", which must be qualified: so in tomb TT5, of Neferabet, it can clearly be seen that the draftsman applied the outline drawings after the yellow colour had been applied, to rectify the drawing or to highlight certain parts of the images (see image opposite), however it is hard to imagine that a novice painted these solids relatively accurately without guidelines, unless the designer had first made a rough draft.

 Comparison between the themes developed in the monochrome and polychrome chambers 

It can be found that in various tombs, decorated in monochrome, that some themes are repeated from one to another, just as there is an obvious unity of craftsmanship, as well as a fondness in the choice of the details of the composition: the attitude and orientation of the characters, the selection of accessories, particularities of the faces, limbs and costumes [...] Also can be noted the resemblance of the faces, the general indication of the corner of the mouth, the wrinkles in the neck and chest, the proportions of the body, etc. (Bruyère).

Hanane Gaber analysed the decorative programs of the monochrome and polychrome chambers, and identified the differences in the amount of text, the presence of chapters from the Book of the Dead on the transformation of the deceased into eternity. Firstly the representation of the various deities in the judgement of the deceased, which occurred in the "Hall of the Two Truths (the two Ma'at)", the fields of Yaru, Isis, Nephthys, the four children of Horus and the presence of inscriptions on the vaulted ceiling indicating north and south. According to her, these differences are sufficient to consider that "two distinct religious thoughts controlled the choice of decoration".

 1) - The long texts extracted from the Book of the Dead 









Texts are abundant in the polychrome tombs but rare in the monochrome tombs, where they are written in much bigger characters. In the monochrome tombs it is the image which predominates. It is sufficient to compare the scene of Anubis taking care of the mummy in the polychrome chamber of Amennakht, TT218, with the same scene in the monochrome chamber of Nakhtamon, TT335. In the first, are found 25 columns of compact text, written in hieroglyphs of small size, whilst in the second, only a brief formula is spoken by Anubis.
In the monochrome tombs, the long inscriptions from the Book of the Dead disappear, replaced by numerous officiating priests, or by additional scenes.
Another difference, in the polychrome chambers, is that the scribe often starts his chapters with "formula for ..., as used in the Book of the Dead, whereas this beginning is only attested twice in the monochrome chambers (Nebenmaat TT219 and Nakhtamon TT335).

 2) - The formulas for transformation into a divinity 






TT2 - Horus of Behdet




These formulas are present in most polychrome chambers, but are completely absent in the monochrome chambers, even though the corresponding vignette exists. It is not impossible that these men, who were not all literate, preferred some images to long sentences which they didn't fully understand. Thus, in TT218b can be seen Amennakht, who invokes the divine falcon with the formulae of chapter 78 of the BoD, whilst in TT2 is found Khabekhnet in front of a falcon, identified as the Horus of Edfu (Behdet), with no text other than the name, see opposite.

 3) - The representation of the divinities of the divine courtroom 

(Chapter 18 of the BoD) These disappear completely in the monochrome tombs, just like the actual "Hall of the Two Truths".

 4) - The fields of Yaru

This section (from chapter 110 of the BoD) has also disappeared. Also called the "fields of the afterlife", also "countryside of happiness", these Elysian fields represent the place where the justified deceased sees himself assigned to a patch of land: the harvests there are monumental, effected by nothing disastrous, no grasshoppers no disease, etc. The most famous example is in the multicolour chamber of Sennedjem, TT1 (see od-75).

 5) - Isis, Nephthys and the four Children of Horus

The two winged goddesses sometimes appear on the tympanum (the curved upper area of the end walls), in the monochrome decoration, whereas it is never the case in the polychrome imagery (see tb-tt2b).
The polychrome chamber arched ceiling doesn't include boxed areas dedicated to the four Children of Horus (except in the tomb of Kaha, TT360), whilst these are frequently found in the monochrome vaults.






Qebehsenuef









Hapy









Amseti









Duamutef




The four Children of Horus in the chamber of Nakhtamon, TT335

The association of Isis - Nephthys and Children of Horus, is brought closer in the decoration of the monochrome burial chambers with the use on the coffins and sarcophagi from the end of the Middle Kingdom.
In addition, the association of some of the images from chapter 151A of the BoD is found solely in the monochrome chambers: Isis, Nephthys, the four Children of Horus, and Anubis taking care of the mummy. This shows the importance given by the owners of the monochrome chamber to the safeguard of the mummy, to the detriment of the deceased's activities in the world of the hereafter.






TT335 - to the south you belong




 6) - The bands of text situated on ends of the curved ceiling 

These columns (two at each end - north and south - of the curved ceiling, see south end image opposite) proclaim: "to the north you belong" and "to the south you belong" are only in the monochrome chambers (exception, Qaha TT360). In the monochrome style, the ends of the curved ceiling are oriented (geographically or fictitiously) to the north and to the south, and this direction is associated also with Isis (south) and Nephthys (north).


The workers of the tombs in the rest of Egypt

It is well established that the royal craftsmen didn't remain confined to Deir el-Medineh, but that they exercised their craftsmanship elsewhere in the country. From Aswan and the first cataract, they brought back a special devotion for the goddesses Satet (Sathis) and Anuket (Anukis), which can be found on the walls of some chambers, such as Nakhtamon, TT335, (see db-344). In the same way, the Asian gods and goddesses are frequently manifested in the village, notably on stelae (Repesh, Astarte, etc.) but they are never found on the walls of the tombs. The Hereafter is the preserve of the indigenous divinities.
TT4, Thebes I.16, Bubasteion

Since 1996, thanks to the excavations of the French Mission of Bubasteion (MAFB), elements have accumulated to suggest that some members of the workforce were also employed in Saqqara. Thus the sculptor Qen, owner of the Theban tomb TT4 (unpublished, but will soon be on OsirisNet) would have worked in the Bubasteion tomb I.16 belonging to a very important character, Netcherouymes (or Pirikhnawa). He was one of the ambassadors sent by Ramesses II to sign a peace treaty with the Hittites, the oldest known in history. For example, the theme of the cow, Hathor, emerging from the mountains protecting a Pharaoh is strangely similar to the one found in the tomb of Qen. In the same way, the tomb called "of the artists" (Bubasteion I.19) belongs to two "directors of the scribes in the Place of Truth", Thutmose (Djehutymes) and Kenna. It remains to be formally proven that this represents the same "Place of Truth" ...

List of the 22 monochrome chambers
Owner Era
TT2b Khabekhnet Ramesses II - Ramesses III
TT4 Qen Ramesses II
TT5 Neferabet Ramesses II
TT10b Penbuy & Kasa Ramesses II-Ramesses III
TT211 Paneb Sethy I-Ramesses II
TT213 Penamon Sethy I-Siptah
TT214 Khawy Ramesses II
TT216 Neferhotep Ramesses II
TT219 Nebenmaat Ramesses II
TT220 Khaemteri Ramesses II
TT266 Amennakht Sethy I-Ramesses II
TT292 Pachedu Ramesses II
TT298 Baky & Wennefer Sethy I-Ramesses II
TT299 Inerkhau Ramesses II-Ramesses III
TT321 Khaemopet Ramesses II
TT323 Pached Sethy I
TT335 Nakhtamon Ramesses II
TT336 Neferrenpet Ramesses II
TT337 Ken Ramesses II
TT355 Amenpahapi(?) Ramesses IV
TT356 Amenemwia Ramesses II
N°1413 unknown XIXth Dynasty
Only one chapel is monochrome
TT250 Ramose Ramesses II

List of the 6 polychrome chapels
of the XVIIIth Dynasty
Owner
TT8 Kha
TT291 Nakhtmin
TT325 Smen
TT338 Maya
TT340 Amenemhat
TT354 unknown
List of the 8 polychrome chambers
of the XIXth Dynasty (7 owners)
Owner
TT1 Sennedjem
TT3 Pached
TT6 Neferhotep & Nebnefer
TT218 Amennakht (2 chambers)
TT265 Amenemipet
TT290 Irinefer
TT360 Qeha
List of the 4 polychrome chambers
of the XXth Dynasty (2 owners)
TT267 Hay (2 chambers)
TT359 Inherkhau (2 chambers)

8 tombs with associated polychrome chapel and monochrome chamber
Owner
TT4 Qen
TT5 Neferabou
TT10 Penbuy & Kasa
TT216 Neferhotep
TT219 Nebenmaat
TT266 Amennakht
TT292 Pached
TT298 Baky & Wennefer

The Mastaba of Ti at Saqqara

  The wall measures 1.55m wide by 4.50m in height, of which the upper 2.75m is decorated. It contains scenes with seventy-four characters di...